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If we wish to propose general theories about raw materials procurement and exchange in cultures at different levels of complexity, then we may first need to recognize that the key variables involved include control over supply and production, efficiency, sophistication of technology, simplification, standardization and specialization Torrence , pp. If an example of a 'law' is the formula for relating floor size or settlement size to population Narroll ; Cook and Heizer then a corresponding instance of middle range theory is the recognition that settlement size and population size or density interact with each other though the nature of this interaction varies at different population sizes and also in relation to external factors such as the mode of production Fletcher , p.
Likewise the identification of domains and modular units in David Clarke's b study of Iron Age Glastonbury is a case of middle range theory employed in the wider task of understanding the principles of Iron Age settlement systems. Essentially, middle range theory is not about laws, but about constructs and model building. Since the inception of behavioural archaeology Schiffer archaeologists have begun to look at sites in a new way.
While Schiffer's approach was mainly confined to the reconstruction of behavioural events and distinguishing behavioural from post-depositional processes, the behaviourist perspective does not exhaust the range of possibilities opened up by the new approach. Other studies have shifted the emphasis from patterning in 'primary' refuse to regularities in the distribution of 'secondary' refuse Schiffer ; Murray , with a corresponding attention to the general 'maintenance of life-space' Binford as opposed to the performance of specific tasks.
If works as disparate as Yellen's account of! Kung campsites, Binford's a Eskimo hunting stand, Flannery's Mesoamerican village, Kramer's Iranian villages, Hodder's accounts of East African settlements and David Clarke's b study of Glastonbury have anything in common, it is the central notion of site structure defined most recently as 'the spatial distribution of artifacts, features and fauna on archaeological sites' Binford , p.
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Any site may be envisaged as a set of items, artifacts or debris, organized with respect to a set of features Binford's 'framework'. The underlying control variables may be divided into: those relating to 'body mechanics' ibid. Also present will be sets of variables which might be Nomads in archaeology termed 'cultural', and it is here that the greatest scope for variation occurs, particularly as the size and complexity of settlements increases.
I am therefore less sanguine than Binford ibid. Cultural variables in particular are liable to produce variations in form and scale which will prove resistant to the application of 'laws ;.
In any particular case it will therefore be necessary to understand the unique patterns introduced by cultural factors in addition to those accountable by kinetic, environmental and social factors.
This approach to site structure implies a form of 'structuralism', which should however be distinguished from the 'structuralisme7 Gellner of the so-called cognitive school. We are concerned with pattern and redundancy in spatial form and relationships without necessarily reading into this any notions of essentialism, that such forms 'have deep natures or constitutions or inner essences7 ibid.
Of course the kind of middle range theory advocated here could just as well be pressed into the service of 'structuraliste' or cognitive theories about human spatial behaviour, as attempted in numerous works by Hodder e. The concept of site structure can be used with equal effect to support arguments about on-site behaviour and the organization of activity space on the one hand, and theories of spatial patterning based on conceptual or ritual systems on the other.
A concern with site structure need not commit the archaeologist to any stance at the 'grand theory' level.
However it does presuppose the use of a range of techniques for the detection and analysis of spatial patterning, which in turn place certain demands on the conduct of excavation and the manner in which data are defined, recorded, stored and processed see Winter ; Bogucki and Grygiel ; Ammerman et al. If the New Archaeology of the late 60s and early 70s taught us anything it was that data do not exist as a priori facts but are the result of constructs which researchers use in approaching their raw material, and reflect not only the researcher's aims and presuppositions but also the general paradigm within which he or she operates.
Currently a range of statistical techniques is being developed for the analysis of intra-site and regional spatial patterning Hodder and Orton ; Orton , ; Kintigh and Ammerman ; Whallon , , Attempts are even being made to address the difficult question of quantifying relationships between features and item distributions Simek At the same time revolutions are occurring in the computer storage of spatial information.
Unfortunately excavation technology and organization generally lag behind these trends, and much of the current effort in the development of site structure models has been directed into ethnoarchaeological work. Ethnoarchaeology Like many other students of site structure I have been forced to confront the issue of the role of ethnoarchaeology.
Our discipline recently went through a decade of an almost indecent concern with the use of ethnographic analogy Binford a; b; c; Chang While Introduction recourse to ad hoc ethnographic parallels will no doubt continue to inform and misinform archaeologists for years to come Ucko , arguments by ethnographic analogy have no place in middle range theory. The close association of middle range theory and ethnoarchaeology derives not so much from the use of ethnographic analogy to predict the past Binford ; Durrenberger and Morrison ; Orme ; Allen and Richardson ; Gummerman and Phillips but from the fact that ethnographic settings provide an optimal environment in which to identify and study the behaviour of key variables, refine measuring instruments and isolate appropriate analytical units.
The ethnographic setting may be likened to a laboratory in which phenomena are studied under controlled conditions.
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The application of constructs, instruments and models so derived to 'real7 archaeological problems and data has nothing to do with ethnographic analogy. Nor is there any necessity that they be derived from ethnographic contexts.
One of the most elegant middle range models, Clarke's b 'modular unit7, was derived almost entirely from archaeological data, with a little help from Roman ethnohistory. Yellen's !
Kung campsites were archaeological in the sense that most of them had no recorded systemic context, and this was true also of some of my abandoned nomad camps. Binford's numerous publications view of ethnoarchaeology as a laboratory for generating middle range theory by studying the relationship between archaeological 'statics7 and the 'dynamics' of a living system is a useful one.
But it should not be forgotten that dynamic relationships can also be studied through archaeological data, and that these data, as opposed to the physical remains in the archaeological record, are never really 'static7. There is no reason why the study of dynamics should be confined to the ethnographic domain, although it is certainly true that understanding the operations of dynamic systems in the present can assist greatly in imparting form and meaning to archaeological residues.
In documenting the spatial organization of contemporary nomads I am not attempting to map this organizational structure onto ancient nomads. Facebook Twitter Pinterest Houzz. Experience the ancient heritage of craftsmanship through abstract expressions and suggestions in a new, unique, total look. Being a fan of photography and of digital processing, he experiments the combination between the image and the different materials such as crystals, natural stones and resins.
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The 'grain; was apparent in linear patterns in the location and orientation of tentsites forming parallel lines where possible but responding also to aspect and the lie of the land.
Being a fan of photography and of digital processing, he experiments the combination between the image and the different materials such as crystals, natural stones and resins. I am also grateful to the relentless Peter Ucko, not only for a heavy hand during the dissertation years but also for extorting funds from various sources on my behalf.
The ethnographic setting may be likened to a laboratory in which phenomena are studied under controlled conditions. Register here for a login to access our full product library.